By Jimmy Hendry Nzally | Issue 25
The continent of Africa of recent has been witnessing numerous mixed political upheavals. Such as the end of the longstanding dictatorship in 2016 in The Gambia through the ballots, the palace military coup in the case of Zimbabwe in 2017, ongoing protest democracy in Kenya, and South Africa, and as well as recent military takeovers in Burkina Faso, Sudan, Mali, Niger, and Gabon. This assessment is substantiated by the IDEA 2023 report that Africa’s democratic trajectory has been negatively affected by unconstitutional changes of government, the evasion of term limits for heads of state, and the declines in Credible Elections.
The recent political change in Senegal, a stable African democracy, warrants a closer look. Since gaining independence in 1960, Senegal has been dubbed one of Africa’s most stable democracies. A country widely praised, among others for holding uninterrupted periodic and democratic elections, with a robust and striving civil society, and not experiencing a military coup. Senegal is therefore the only country in West Africa that has never had a military takeover. As opposed to the traditional military coup, however, the failed move by President Macky Sall to postpone the presidential elections signalled a constitutional coup. It was seen by observers as a big betrayal of Senegal’s democracy. It would have redefined the democratic landscape in Senegal and beyond. This is why there has been massive condemnation in support of a continuous democratic and peaceful Senegal. In the end, the Senegalese people voted against Macky Sall’s handpicked candidate Amadou to elect the opposition candidate, Bassirou Diomaye Faye. At age 44 he became Africa’s youngest president.
In light of the key role that the youth and civil society played in fighting against President Macky Sall’s attempt to hold onto power, there is a need to examine how youth and civil society-led political change in Senegal, and more widely in Africa, influences political actions. Specifically, political actions related to irregular migration, a key priority for the new Senegalese government. While there have been debates on how the West influences migration discourse in Africa, the case of Senegal offers a unique opportunity to examine the impact of the wishes and aspirations of the (young) people: how they shape the political discourse and agenda.
Senegal's youth and civil society: Shaping migration amid political change
How do youth and civil society-led democratic political regimes usher in political actions that shape migration discourse? In Senegal, the new youth and civil society-led political regime under President Faye has focused on immigration and emigrant youth who were at the forefront of fighting against President Macky’s Sall intention to stay in power. While President Faye wanted to serve a third term, going against Senegal’s constitution, and to postpone the elections, the Constitutional Council, the high court of the land, ended up ruling against his election postponement. Perpetuated by his greed for power, Macky Sall will be remembered as the first-ever president in the history of Senegal to postpone elections based on a falsidical argument with no genuine constitutional basis.
In contrast, President Faye presents himself as hope for the Senegalese people. In my interview with The Gambia Standard Newspaper, I stressed the fact that the new Senegalese government sold to the people a national agenda driven by national interests. At the heart of it is a youth-driven agenda as the catalyst for a massive political movement. In this regard, the expectations are high on the populace for the new government to deliver.
The high cost of living and unemployment are some of the key factors pushing many young Senegalese to venture into irregular migration. It is estimated that over 60 percent of the Senegalese are under the age of 25, of which 20 percent are unemployed. According to Spanish Interior Ministry data, irregular migration to Europe from Senegal and neighbouring Gambia has been reported to have “doubled in 2023 from 2022 with more than 39,900 people reaching Spain's Canary Islands”. More specifically also, the 2024 UN fourth periodic report of the Senegal Committee on Migrant Workers underscores this challenge despite collaboration between Spain and Senegal to dismantle trafficking networks: noted that “around 12,000 Senegalese were found in the Canary Islands last year”.
Stressing on the economic front and among others, President Faye’s government promised to create jobs, renegotiate oil deals, and tackle irregular migration. For the first time, Senegal will start producing oil and it is expected to produce 100,000 barrels of oil per day. Moreover, the new government intends to renegotiate the oil deals under the previous government. This was made clear marking his 100 days in office address: there will be a renegotiation taking into account mutual benefits. The aim is to boost economic benefits for the country.
This is also linked to the need to address irregular migration. The EU’s externalisation policy with third countries remains highly controversial. Senegal is one among other countries that continue to be a key focus. The previous government under Macky Sall had presented a 10-year National Strategy to Combat Irregular Migration (SNLMI), which “aims to significantly reduce migration by 2033”. Summarily, the plan aims to focus on the prevention of irregular migration, enhancement of border management and security, the need to tackle migrant traffickers, and the need to support migrant returnees, as well as their reintegration. Therefore, this document needs to be revisited and actualize it to curb the mass migration of young people.
On the other hand too, the EU and developed countries must be willing to partner on a fair migration deal that respects human rights and creates legal pathways for the developing countries. The reality remains that Europe needs migrants due to its ageing population and for its economic growth. As it stands now the migration narrative has been seen to be biassed against Africans. This creates reactions from African countries. For example Namibia is considering implementing a reciprocal visa regime for visitors from Western countries. The aim is to protest against the way Western countries treat Africans during their visa applications to Europe, Canada and America.
Conclusion
The continent of Africa is continually witnessing protests and revolutions that influence regimes. This in turn leads to a variety of democratisation processes. Africa’s democratic trajectory is largely influenced by young people. The recent regime change in Senegal is a classic case of how the new breed of youth and civil society is championing democratic change in Africa. As opposed to military takeovers, it reaffirms the fact that democratic change is possible through the ballot. Moreover, young people and civil society are crucial to averting democratic backsliding. Therefore, the African governments must begin to reflect the wishes and aspirations of its people, especially with a youth delivered agenda.
Irregular migrations remains a cardinal challenge facing African governments. This is why the new government of Senegal has herculean tasks ahead. Not only does it have to sustain the democratic dividends that brought them into power, but it also has to deal with the economic situation linked to migration. It means creating jobs for young people, making sure natural resources benefit the populace and working hard to bring down the gap between the rich and poor. This therefore speaks to the fact that it is not enough to have a youth and civil society-led democratic change; the politics and policies must tackle irregular migration by meeting the needs of young people and the wider populace.
Jimmy Hendry Nzally holds a PhD in Political Science at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB). His PhD research focused on: “Explaining Democratic Change in The Gambia: Understanding the Fall of Yahya Jammeh in the December 2016 Elections”.
His research interests include regime change and democratisation in Africa; African history and contemporary politics; postcolonial African studies; and migration. As a senior researcher, he taught International Relations of Africa at the VUB- Brussel School of Governance.
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